President Ken Wescott (2221-2306)
Ken Wescott will always be remembered for two things: passing the first major constitutional reform programme in Federation history and the Organian War. The youngest president in Federation history - both at the time of succession and election - Wescott's tenure as Premier of the UFP breathed new energy into political life after the sudden death of Th'rhahlat and the disaster of Broadhurst.
Wescott was born in Pittsburgh, Earth, in 2221, the son of a schoolteacher from Trinidad and an economic analyst from America. Wescott’s father would be one of the last of his profession, taking part in 2225 on the last day of trading on the New York Stock Exchange before making a bumpy transition to a career helping Federation businesses interact with monetary economies on non-aligned worlds. His family moved to Boston in 2230, where both his teachers acquired jobs at Harvard. In 2243 Wescott graduated from the London School of Economics with a degree in New World Political Economy and began a career as a junior at the Commerce Department of the United Earth Government. In 2247, however, he was offered the chance to run as the representative for the Northwestern United States in the UE Assembly, which he took. He held the seat for seven years, serving in the Cabinet of Prime Minister der Hook from 2251 to 2253. It was at this time that he solidified his relationship with Erick Barreuco, a tenacious family friend of his mother's. Wescott had known about Barreuco’s plan to run for office in 2254 long before most and had been a core part of the ticket from the start. Wescott would serve as Barreuco's Chief of Staff for her whole term, staying by her side through the Klingon War and her removal from office. During this time, he also met his future wife, Marsha Wescott, a junior law clerk from the Federation Legal Service. The two would marry in May 2256, just before the start of T'Kuvma's war. After her election loss, Wescott briefly became a teacher, though in mid 2259 he would return to government as a education advisor to FEDAC (Federation Economic Department of Aid Control). He remained at FEDAC until 2261, when he was nominated to serve as United Earth's Ambassador to the Federation. At this time, Wescott became a key leader of the Charterite Movement, a collection reformist thinkers who advocated a more democratic electoral system within a stronger central government. When President Broadhurst purgured himself and resigned in July 2262, Wescott was tapped by Sarek to act as temporary President of the Council; confirmed at the height of the Acamar crisis, Wescott's careful handling of the affair would carry him to victory that autumn. Together with several other reformist candidates, Wescott's election was the start of a sea change in Federation politics towards the 'first party system' (2262-2312). Wescott's first term was dominated by the reform question and the 'augment scare', as conservative elements within the Federation attempted to tie the question of augment rights to a conspiratorial inflitration of government by 'pro-Klingon extremists'. This - combined with the brutal battle to reform colonial representation - exhausted much of Wescott's political capital, and nearly brought the government down on three occasions between Feburary 2263 and September 2264. Despite this - and rise and fall of the Klingon Troika - Wescott managed to cling on until June 2264, when he managed to pass the Colonial Reform Bill into law. The scale of the constitutional change - the first adjustment to the franchise in over a century - made an emergency election inevitable. The 2264 election saw Wescott ranged against the voice of 'quite conservatism', retired Admiral Alexander Marcus, in a truly Federation-wide campaign. Both candidates, for the first time, enlisted the aide of Union-wide political organisations, as well as "party" candidate lists at every level of representation. Despite Marcus's massive support base in many of the older colonies and core worlds, Wescott's popularity as a reformer, combined with the promise of "the complete, and irreverisble implementation of post-monetarism" would see him come from behind to beat the Admiral in the polls. Economic plans were scuppered, however, by the fallout from the Mastocal Incident. The discovery of a major Klingon military facility in the system - in violation of the 2264 demilitarisation agreement - forced Wescott to pivot towards re-armament and the possibility of a General interstellar war. Despite the increasing belligerency of the Klingon government under Sturka and fractious domestic reaction, Wescott remained committed to a peaceful solution until the last possible moment, even as he authorised the massive expansion of Starfleet to meet the expected Imperial assault. In the aftermath of the Organian Intervention, Wescott would sign onto their peace treaty and supplementary agreements on shared worlds and joint development. His decision to accept the Klingon terms for development 'races' was heavily criticised after he left office by the Unionists, who saw it as an 'open door' for Klingon intimidation and espionage. War preparations and the massive economic difficulties the Organian Neutral Zone created also undercut the renewed attempt to expand post-monetarism into the colonial frontier, with core worlds rejecting the increasing cost of universal socio-economic standards. Under pressure from the Charterite party to modify his reform plans and with his electoral coalition waning, Wescott would decide not to run for another presidential term. His chosen successor - Assistant High Commissioner Nancy Hedford - would die of Sukaro's Disease on the way to Epsilon Canaris III, leaving the future of the Charterites in the hands of Finance Secretary Lorna McClaren. Wescott would attempt to retire quietly, but would return to teaching at the University of the West Indies in 2270. He would be criticised for public interventions in the RIttenhouse Trial, as well as for misinforming the Federation Council about the progress of post-monetarism in 2266. While, for a period in the late 2270s and 80s, public opinion briefly turned against him, in the aftermath of the Khitomer Accords Wescott's reputation would recover. Ken Wescott passed away on February 28th 2306. He would recieved a full state funeral, and was buried in Boston, Massachusetts. Wescott is generally lauded as one of the Federation's greatest Presidents, who averted total war on two seperate occasions, and guided the UFP through the most dangerous years of the 23rd century. |
InformationFull Name: Kenneth Jomo Wescott
Born: 23rd November, 2221 (Pittsburgh, Earth) Died: 28th Feburary 2306 (Faraday, Earth Lagrange Five) Affiliation: United Federation of Planets 20th President of the United Federation of Planets (3rd August 2262-14th June 2268)
Deputy Chief of Staff to President Barreuco (2254-58) Secretary for Commerical Affairs, United Earth Government (2251-2253) United Earth MP for Northeastern USA (2247-2253) |
Excerpts From "The Edge of Midnight"
he first two years of the Barreuco administration had seen significant improvements to the Anchorpoint-Quarrus-Argelius route, turning the space lane from one of the most difficult to navigate to the easiest in the entire Federation. The President’s majority on the Council floor, which had been expected to break under pressure from the Vulcan Caucus and the Tellarites held firm in vote after vote. As Chief of Staff for the President, Wescott’s own tireless herding of Councilmembers did much of the groundwork for keeping the wheels of government working, surprising even himself with the amount of legislation that they’d manage to get past the Council. “People seemed to think that I could work wonders,” he commented. “Really, it was just that I knew how far you could push Sarek before he’d actually make any noises.”
The final session of 2255 had seen a nail-biting debate over the Rigellian Commerce Bill, which would see the Federation re-open trade with many of the Orion colonies in the Rigel sector based on their support of Starfleet’s continuing anti-slavery campaign. The bill had nearly split the President’s majority on the Council, with many in the Alpha Centauri caucus (including the councillor for the Rigel Colonies) seeing the bill as unfairly making those colonies which had dealt with slavers pay for the inaction of their peers, while still not doing enough to close the loopholes created by the much-derided Orion Neutrality Area.[10] Despite the massive opposition from both the Tellarite Mercantile Commission and the Federation Anti-Slavery Society, it passed, after three extensions of the session on the 23rd December, by a mere two votes. “We were relieved and were looking forward to using 2256 as a year of consolidation, building on areas of policy we had already proved our worth on. History, and more importantly, T’Kuvma, had other ideas.”
The 2256 war was a complete shock to the Barreuco administration. The naturally pacifistic nature of Federation policymaking had meant few in the Palais de Concorde considered war with the Klingon Empire even imaginable. The official business of the day for the President on May 11th (the day hostilities began at the Binary Stars) involved a meeting with the Federation Secretary of Commerce, a call with the First Minister of Tellar Prime followed by a state dinner with the United Earth Security Council. The Palais de Concorde would still not be aware of hostilities for an excruciatingly long six weeks due to communication delays. Despite the severity of the situation, Barreuco refused calls to form a unity cabinet with the opposition or use any of the provisions for state emergencies that existed within the articles of the Federation.[11] “I consider this flare-up in tensions to be nothing more than a return to the Klingon raiding parties and growing pains of the 2240s,” she told the press on June 16th. “Starfleet is more than capable of handling the crisis.”
By September 2256, however, it was clear that this was more than a repeat of the limited conflict of the 2240s. The Federation was engaged in an overt hot war with her neighbour, one which had been warned about hundreds of times since Jonathan Archer’s fateful trip to the Klingon homeworld in 2151, and she was barely holding her own. Barreuco was suddenly under major pressure from her own caucus to step up the war effort, with Earth Ambassador Siobhan Tilly calling for a “Total Mobilisation of the Federation” to counter the Klingon war effort. The President baulked at the prospect, completely opposed to the massive concentration of state power. Time and again Barreuco refused the demands of the Commission for Defence to grant them more powers. Her role, as the President understood it, was not to become an all-powerful wartime leader. Such a position had not been necessary during the Romulan War, and thus, to her mind, at least, would not be necessary now.[12]
The final session of 2255 had seen a nail-biting debate over the Rigellian Commerce Bill, which would see the Federation re-open trade with many of the Orion colonies in the Rigel sector based on their support of Starfleet’s continuing anti-slavery campaign. The bill had nearly split the President’s majority on the Council, with many in the Alpha Centauri caucus (including the councillor for the Rigel Colonies) seeing the bill as unfairly making those colonies which had dealt with slavers pay for the inaction of their peers, while still not doing enough to close the loopholes created by the much-derided Orion Neutrality Area.[10] Despite the massive opposition from both the Tellarite Mercantile Commission and the Federation Anti-Slavery Society, it passed, after three extensions of the session on the 23rd December, by a mere two votes. “We were relieved and were looking forward to using 2256 as a year of consolidation, building on areas of policy we had already proved our worth on. History, and more importantly, T’Kuvma, had other ideas.”
The 2256 war was a complete shock to the Barreuco administration. The naturally pacifistic nature of Federation policymaking had meant few in the Palais de Concorde considered war with the Klingon Empire even imaginable. The official business of the day for the President on May 11th (the day hostilities began at the Binary Stars) involved a meeting with the Federation Secretary of Commerce, a call with the First Minister of Tellar Prime followed by a state dinner with the United Earth Security Council. The Palais de Concorde would still not be aware of hostilities for an excruciatingly long six weeks due to communication delays. Despite the severity of the situation, Barreuco refused calls to form a unity cabinet with the opposition or use any of the provisions for state emergencies that existed within the articles of the Federation.[11] “I consider this flare-up in tensions to be nothing more than a return to the Klingon raiding parties and growing pains of the 2240s,” she told the press on June 16th. “Starfleet is more than capable of handling the crisis.”
By September 2256, however, it was clear that this was more than a repeat of the limited conflict of the 2240s. The Federation was engaged in an overt hot war with her neighbour, one which had been warned about hundreds of times since Jonathan Archer’s fateful trip to the Klingon homeworld in 2151, and she was barely holding her own. Barreuco was suddenly under major pressure from her own caucus to step up the war effort, with Earth Ambassador Siobhan Tilly calling for a “Total Mobilisation of the Federation” to counter the Klingon war effort. The President baulked at the prospect, completely opposed to the massive concentration of state power. Time and again Barreuco refused the demands of the Commission for Defence to grant them more powers. Her role, as the President understood it, was not to become an all-powerful wartime leader. Such a position had not been necessary during the Romulan War, and thus, to her mind, at least, would not be necessary now.[12]
Despite strong momentum with those representatives present in Paris, many were sceptical that Sh’Belulos could capture the regional Ambassadors; especially the critical Benecian and Regulan councillors who had absolutely no faith that she cared about anything that happened beyond Rigel. Even by the night of the 14th, it was rather clear that the Archerite push for the presidency had run out of steam short of the necessary nominees. There would be no easy path to succession now. Wescott’s name emerges earlier than most imagine. The Security Council were already thinking about an interim leader by the 12th; Sarek was, for the third time in his career, nominated, but declined because “he was an inadequate choice.” Sh’belulos – early frontrunner by default - had been foisted on the Security Council by popular demand, but once it became clear that she would not make the nominations, the floor opened again. Names like Elledge (Luna) and Curoa (Izar) were floated as respectable statespersons, but they lacked popular support. Then Sarek suggested Wescott. The earth ambassador was reasonably popular; despite the reformist stance of the Charterites, most regarded him as the sanest of the constructional reformers; compared to Q’uarn nash Poc (de facto leader of the “Tellartie” Centrist bloc, the only other heavyweight within within the Council) Wescott was both more experienced and more respected. The security council could put him in place through constitutional contrivance; the same clause that had allowed them to appoint Vanderbilt President pro tempore in 2161. It would require General Council ratification, but that was not as hard as anticipated. Many of the progressive Archerites would vote with the Vulcan and Tellarite caucus for Wescott; certainly, a plurality of votes is necessary for an emergency government to be formed.
The overture to Wescott was made through AR Vale; once a Starfleet shuttle pilot, then a writer turned lobbyist, he had been a close confidant of Wescott’s since his time in the United Earth cabinet. Not quite as reformist as Wescott, he was still a vital link between the Charterites and the Federation political establishment. It was he who fielded the call from Sarek to see if Wescott would accept a special nomination. Vale would call on Wescott in person on the 15th, appearing at his townhouse on the Boston Commons early in the morning.
“[Vale] didn’t look like he had slept, so I offered him some strong coffee and took him into the front room. It was clear he wasn’t here to well-wish Marsha after he sat down. ‘Broadhurst’s going, Ken.’
‘I know. Who do they want to replace him? Sarek? Xaall?’ He laughed at Xaall.
‘No. They want someone sensible. Someone who isn’t going to get us all blown up over a trite tariff reform. Someone who can hold a council majority.’
‘They’ll need someone the Charterites can vote for,’ I told him. ‘We can’t have another staller like Broadhurst back in.’ I suggested a few names – Phoenix,nash Poc and Elledge. Vale shook his head to both and then cracked a smile. ‘They have a name, you know. One the security council has already approved.’
‘Not Pagros.’ Sh’Belulos – even then, before the Unionists had grown to match us, was a heavyweight of some calibre. But no, it wasn’t her. After a rather dramatic pause to gulp coffee, Vale pointed to me. ‘They want you, Ken.’”[28]
Wescott baulked at the offer. “It’s career suicide,” he told Vale. “They’ll make me shoulder the blame for it all then put me out to pasture as Ambassador to Rigel or something.” It was true; the Security Council had no love for the Charterite reform programme or the proposals for ‘total monetary abolition’. But if Wescott could survive the moment of crisis – and prevent a federal collapse in the aftermath – the opportunities could be incredible. Wescott remained hesitant. The whole idea of Federal reform could be destroyed by association with corruption and external weakness; tied to the Basra affair, appeasement and a secession crisis. “If we do this, we can’t do it half-heartedly,” he told Vale. “We can’t act like there are second chances.” Before Vale could try and press the issue, Marsha Wescott – woken by the noise of the coffee machine – would intervene from the upstairs landing, shouting “take the f*cking job, Len, before they get someone with no guts to do it!” After Marsha had disappeared back into the bedroom – and Vale had stopped laughing – he turned back to Wescott. “Will you do it then?”
Wescott’s reply was simple. “That’s ‘will you do it, Mister President’.”
The overture to Wescott was made through AR Vale; once a Starfleet shuttle pilot, then a writer turned lobbyist, he had been a close confidant of Wescott’s since his time in the United Earth cabinet. Not quite as reformist as Wescott, he was still a vital link between the Charterites and the Federation political establishment. It was he who fielded the call from Sarek to see if Wescott would accept a special nomination. Vale would call on Wescott in person on the 15th, appearing at his townhouse on the Boston Commons early in the morning.
“[Vale] didn’t look like he had slept, so I offered him some strong coffee and took him into the front room. It was clear he wasn’t here to well-wish Marsha after he sat down. ‘Broadhurst’s going, Ken.’
‘I know. Who do they want to replace him? Sarek? Xaall?’ He laughed at Xaall.
‘No. They want someone sensible. Someone who isn’t going to get us all blown up over a trite tariff reform. Someone who can hold a council majority.’
‘They’ll need someone the Charterites can vote for,’ I told him. ‘We can’t have another staller like Broadhurst back in.’ I suggested a few names – Phoenix,nash Poc and Elledge. Vale shook his head to both and then cracked a smile. ‘They have a name, you know. One the security council has already approved.’
‘Not Pagros.’ Sh’Belulos – even then, before the Unionists had grown to match us, was a heavyweight of some calibre. But no, it wasn’t her. After a rather dramatic pause to gulp coffee, Vale pointed to me. ‘They want you, Ken.’”[28]
Wescott baulked at the offer. “It’s career suicide,” he told Vale. “They’ll make me shoulder the blame for it all then put me out to pasture as Ambassador to Rigel or something.” It was true; the Security Council had no love for the Charterite reform programme or the proposals for ‘total monetary abolition’. But if Wescott could survive the moment of crisis – and prevent a federal collapse in the aftermath – the opportunities could be incredible. Wescott remained hesitant. The whole idea of Federal reform could be destroyed by association with corruption and external weakness; tied to the Basra affair, appeasement and a secession crisis. “If we do this, we can’t do it half-heartedly,” he told Vale. “We can’t act like there are second chances.” Before Vale could try and press the issue, Marsha Wescott – woken by the noise of the coffee machine – would intervene from the upstairs landing, shouting “take the f*cking job, Len, before they get someone with no guts to do it!” After Marsha had disappeared back into the bedroom – and Vale had stopped laughing – he turned back to Wescott. “Will you do it then?”
Wescott’s reply was simple. “That’s ‘will you do it, Mister President’.”